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Katrin Fridriks

the task of the proletariat in our revolution

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the task of the proletariat in our revolution

    The leaders of the Second International (1889-1914), Plekhanov, Kautsky and their like, have vulgarised and distorted Marxism. The substitution of a people's militia for the police is a reform that follows from the entire course of the revolution and that is now being introduced in most parts of Russia. .     The only way out is through a proletarian revolution. Lenin refers to the Fabian Society, an English reformist organisation, founded in 1884, so called after the Roman General Quintus Fabius Maximus (III century B.C.) . --Ed. --Ed. The coalition cabinet is only a passing moment in the development of the fundamental class contradictions of our rovolution briefly analysed in the pamphlet. They are not understood also in the sense that they constitute a new form or rather a new type of state.    . We are told: The people are used to it, the workers have come to "love" their Social-Democratic Party. page 85 And if socialists of that type are few, let every Russian worker ask himself whether there were many really class-conscious revolutionaries in Russia on the eve of the February-March revolution of 1917. . Chernov, Tsereteli and Co. have killed themselves and their parties -- the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolution aries -- politically. The second point I must deal with is the formation of the "coalition cabinet" on May 6, 1917.     --Ed.         And the people believed it -- for a time -- largely owing to age-old prejudices, which made them look upon the other peoples of Russia, i.e., the non-Great Russians, as something in the nature of a property and private estate of the Great Russians.         with which the inexperienced agitator of the "good old days" went simply and directly to the countryside -- and got a beating for his pains.     It is not a question of shades of opinion, which certainly exist even among the Lefts. WHAT SHOULD BE THE NAME OF OUR PARTY -- ONE         3) The third trend, that of the true internationalists, is best represented by the "Zimmerwald Left". .     ), and which help their own bourgeoisie to plunder and oppress small and weak peoples and to fight for the division of the capitalist spoils. The slightest concession to revolutionary defencism is a betrayal of socialism, a complete renunciation of internationalism, no matter by what fine phrases and "practical" considerations it may be justified. page 83 Democracy is a form of state, whereas we Marxists are opposed to every kind of state. These people are our class enemies. It is we who must found, and right now, without delay, a new, revolutionary, proletarian International, or rather, we must not fear to acknowledge publicly that this new International is already established and operating.         The pamphlet was typed in several copies and handed out to Party members before and during the Conference so that it did its job in part. Let us make use of this freedom, not to advocate support for the bourgeoisie, or bourgeois "revolutionary defencism", but in a bold, honest, proletarian, Liebknecht way to The distinction between the reformists and the revolutionaries, among the Social-Democrats, and socialists generally, was objectively bound to undergo a change under the conditions of the imperialist war. --Ed. ment, notwithstanding the wishes expressed in no uncertain fashion on behalf of the obvious majority of the peoples of Russia through the Soviet of Soldiers' and Workers' Deputies, has taken no real steps to put an end to the slaughter of peoples for the interests of the capitalists. . The E-mail Address(es) field is required. The parliamentary bourgeois republic hampers and stifles the independent political life of the masses their direct participation in the democratic organisation of the life of the state from the bottom up. [p.77], [38] --Ed. . and Co. in Russia, the Scheidemanns in Germany, Renaudel, Guesde and Sembat in France, Bissolati and Co. in Italy, Hyndman, the Fabians[33] and the Labourites (the leaders of the "Labour Party") in Britain, Branting and Co. in Sweden, Troelstra and his party in Holland, Stauning and his party in Denmark, Victor Berger and the other "defenders of the fatherland" in America, and so forth. . . And what are the arguments against? AND CAPITALIST SYNDICATES [p.79], [44] 5. But our emergent, new state is no longer a state in the proper sense of the term, for in some parts of Russia these contingents of armed men are the masses themselves, the entire people, and not certain privileged persons placed over the people, and divorced from the people, and for all practical purposes undisplaceable.

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